It has been a little over a year since the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf government led by Imran Khan took the reins of power. They were elected under suspicions of electoral fraud and third-party meddling by the establishment. The elections of 2018 had also been preceded by arrests of several notable opposition leaders, including the Sharif brothers, Khawaja Asif, Miftah Ismail, Agha Siraj Durrani and others, by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) on the pretexts of corruption. However, Imran Khan also had significant levels of popular support of his campaign pledges to rid the country of corruption and poor governance. One year on, there are mixed reviews regarding his government’s performance. The economy appears to be the most pressing concern for the citizenry, as indicated by a Gallup poll where 52% viewed inflation as the most important issue. It is true that inflation has rocked the economy in recent months along with the sharp devaluation of the rupee in terms of the dollar. The GDP growth rate has fallen to 2.8%, but the current account balance, which is a measurement of the trade deficit of a country, is projected to improve to -2.8% in 2020.
It has been some of these economic indicators, along with apparent political marginalization that has angered the opposition parties. Parties like the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), Pakistan Muslin League Nawaz (PMLN) and Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam Fazl (JUIF) have pounced on the opportunities to criticize the government for its supposed economic incompetence. They claim that inflation has hurt the poor of Pakistan immensely. They present the PTI government as perpetually incompetent, hiring ministers who do not know how to do their job. The Pakistan Railways have seen increased accidents under this government, and calls for Minister Sheikh Rashid to resign have only amplified. The loan of 6 Billion USD taken by the PTI government from the IMF has also been highlighted as breaking of a campaign promise to not take any further IMF loans.
The economy is not the only talking point of the many opposed to the PTI government. Levels of social and political repression, not seen for some years, appears to have returned. Opposition leaders accuse Imran Khan of being managed by the establishment that is using underhanded measures of censorship and unfair arrests to silence the opposition. Maryam Nawaz Sharif, daughter of the former Prime Minister and PMLN chief, was arrested recently. These are being viewed as politically motivated arrests, made with inadequate evidence. Television media channels have been restricted from airing interviews and rallies of opposition leaders.
In the first week of November Maulana Fazlur Rehman of JUIF began his march to Islamabad from Karachi, demanding the PM’s resignation. He was joined by leaders of the PPP and PMLN. Some believe that this is the Maulana’s method of regaining political relevance. He has exhibited an ability to mobilize several thousand people. Some analysts suggest that this march is more than just the superficial demand for PM Khan’s resignation; it is a pressure tactic to ensure that his voter base is not compromised by the establishment in the near future. The other parties are incensed at the arrests of their leaders and are hence unwilling to arrive at any compromises with the PTI; the sort that PMLN and PPP occasionally came to between the years 2008-2018. This leaves them with only one strategy: to declare that they have not been defeated by the arrests and to capitalize on every opportunity to criticize the government.
Much of Pakistani politics has revolved around verbal attacks against the opposing political parties and a refusal to work together. PTI has employed its own rhetoric; calling the opposition corrupt and inept, citing their previous tenures in government as evidence of this. The controversy appears to surround this government and the opposition seeks to perpetuate this controversy.
